3、We Shall Fight on the Beaches(我们将在海滩上战斗) - 丘吉尔

We Shall Fight on the Beaches

英文版：
From the moment that the French defenses at Sedan and on the Meuse were broken at the end of the second week of May, only a rapid retreat to Amiens and the south could have saved the British and French Armies who had entered Belgium at the appeal of the Belgian King; but this strategic fact was not immediately realized. The French High Command hoped they would be able to close the gap, and the Armies of the north were under their orders. Moreover, a retirement of this kind would have involved almost certainly the destruction of the fine Belgian Army of over 20 divisions and the abandonment of the whole of Belgium. Therefore, when the force and scope of the German penetration were realized and when a new French Generalissimo, General Weygand, assumed command in place of General Gamelin, an effort was made by the French and British Armies in Belgium to keep on holding the right hand of the Belgians and to give their own right hand to a newly created French Army which was to have advanced across the Somme in great strength to grasp it.

However, the German eruption swept like a sharp scythe around the right and rear of the Armies of the north. Eight or nine armored divisions, each of about four hundred armored vehicles of different kinds, but carefully assorted to be complementary and divisible into small self-contained units, cut off all communications between us and the main French Armies. It severed our own communications for food and ammunition, which ran first to Amiens and afterwards through Abbeville, and it shore its way up the coast to Boulogne and Calais, and almost to Dunkirk. Behind this armored and mechanized onslaught came a number of German divisions in lorries, and behind them again there plodded comparatively slowly the dull brute mass of the ordinary German Army and German people, always so ready to be led to the trampling down in other lands of liberties and comforts which they have never known in their own.

I have said this armored scythe-stroke almost reached Dunkirk-almost but not quite. Boulogne and Calais were the scenes of desperate fighting. The Guards defended Boulogne for a while and were then withdrawn by orders from this country. The Rifle Brigade, the 60th Rifles, and the Queen Victoria's Rifles, with a battalion of British tanks and 1,000 Frenchmen, in all about four thousand strong, defended Calais to the last. The British Brigadier was given an hour to surrender. He spurned the offer, and four days of intense street fighting passed before silence reigned over Calais, which marked the end of a memorable resistance. Only 30 unwounded survivors were brought off by the Navy, and we do not know the fate of their comrades. Their sacrifice, however, was not in vain. At least two armored divisions, which otherwise would have been turned against the British Expeditionary Force, had to be sent to overcome them. They have added another page to the glories of the light divisions, and the time gained enabled the Graveline water lines to be flooded and to be held by the French troops.

Thus it was that the port of Dunkirk was kept open. When it was found impossible for the Armies of the north to reopen their communications to Amiens with the main French Armies, only one choice remained. It seemed, indeed, forlorn. The Belgian, British and French Armies were almost surrounded. Their sole line of retreat was to a single port and to its neighboring beaches. They were pressed on every side by heavy attacks and far outnumbered in the air.

When, a week ago today, I asked the House to fix this afternoon as the occasion for a statement, I feared it would be my hard lot to announce the greatest military disaster in our long history. I thought-and some good judges agreed with me-that perhaps 20,000 or 30,000 men might be re-embarked. But it certainly seemed that the whole of the French First Army and the whole of the British Expeditionary Force north of the Amiens-Abbeville gap would be broken up in the open field or else would have to capitulate for lack of food and ammunition. These were the hard and heavy tidings for which I called upon the House and the nation to prepare themselves a week ago. The whole root and core and brain of the British Army, on which and around which we were to build, and are to build, the great British Armies in the later years of the war, seemed about to perish upon the field or to be led into an ignominious and starving captivity.

That was the prospect a week ago. But another blow which might well have proved final was yet to fall upon us. The King of the Belgians had called upon us to come to his aid. Had not this Ruler and his Government severed themselves from the Allies, who rescued their country from extinction in the late war, and had they not sought refuge in what was proved to be a fatal neutrality, the French and British Armies might well at the outset have saved not only Belgium but perhaps even Poland. Yet at the last moment, when Belgium was already invaded, King Leopold called upon us to come to his aid, and even at the last moment we came. He and his brave, efficient Army, nearly half a million strong, guarded our left flank and thus kept open our only line of retreat to the sea. Suddenly, without prior consultation, with the least possible notice, without the advice of his Ministers and upon his own personal act, he sent a plenipotentiary to the German Command, surrendered his Army, and exposed our whole flank and means of retreat.

I asked the House a week ago to suspend its judgment because the facts were not clear, but I do not feel that any reason now exists why we should not form our own opinions upon this pitiful episode. The surrender of the Belgian Army compelled the British at the shortest notice to cover a flank to the sea more than 30 miles in length. Otherwise all would have been cut off, and all would have shared the fate to which King Leopold had condemned the finest Army his country had ever formed. So in doing this and in exposing this flank, as anyone who followed the operations on the map will see, contact was lost between the British and two out of the three corps forming the First French Army, who were still farther from the coast than we were, and it seemed impossible that any large number of Allied troops could reach the coast.

The enemy attacked on all sides with great strength and fierceness, and their main power, the power of their far more numerous Air Force, was thrown into the battle or else concentrated upon Dunkirk and the beaches. Pressing in upon the narrow exit, both from the east and from the west, the enemy began to fire with cannon upon the beaches by which alone the shipping could approach or depart. They sowed magnetic mines in the channels and seas; they sent repeated waves of hostile aircraft, sometimes more than a hundred strong in one formation, to cast their bombs upon the single pier that remained, and upon the sand dunes upon which the troops had their eyes for shelter. Their U-boats, one of which was sunk, and their motor launches took their toll of the vast traffic which now began. For four or five days an intense struggle reigned. All their armored divisions-or what Was left of them-together with great masses of infantry and artillery, hurled themselves in vain upon the ever-narrowing, ever-contracting appendix within which the British and French Armies fought.

Meanwhile, the Royal Navy, with the willing help of countless merchant seamen, strained every nerve to embark the British and Allied troops; 220 light warships and 650 other vessels were engaged. They had to operate upon the difficult coast, often in adverse weather, under an almost ceaseless hail of bombs and an increasing concentration of artillery fire. Nor were the seas, as I have said, themselves free from mines and torpedoes. It was in conditions such as these that our men carried on, with little or no rest, for days and nights on end, making trip after trip across the dangerous waters, bringing with them always men whom they had rescued. The numbers they have brought back are the measure of their devotion and their courage. The hospital ships, which brought off many thousands of British and French wounded, being so plainly marked were a special target for Nazi bombs; but the men and women on board them never faltered in their duty.

Meanwhile, the Royal Air Force, which had already been intervening in the battle, so far as its range would allow, from home bases, now used part of its main metropolitan fighter strength, and struck at the German bombers and at the fighters which in large numbers protected them. This struggle was protracted and fierce. Suddenly the scene has cleared, the crash and thunder has for the moment-but only for the moment-died away. A miracle of deliverance, achieved by valor, by perseverance, by perfect discipline, by faultless service, by resource, by skill, by unconquerable fidelity, is manifest to us all. The enemy was hurled back by the retreating British and French troops. He was so roughly handled that he did not hurry their departure seriously. The Royal Air Force engaged the main strength of the German Air Force, and inflicted upon them losses of at least four to one; and the Navy, using nearly 1,000 ships of all kinds, carried over 335,000 men, French and British, out of the jaws of death and shame, to their native land and to the tasks which lie immediately ahead. We must be very careful not to assign to this deliverance the attributes of a victory. Wars are not won by evacuations. But there was a victory inside this deliverance, which should be noted. It was gained by the Air Force. Many of our soldiers coming back have not seen the Air Force at work; they saw only the bombers which escaped its protective attack. They underrate its achievements. I have heard much talk of this; that is why I go out of my way to say this. I will tell you about it.

This was a great trial of strength between the British and German Air Forces. Can you conceive a greater objective for the Germans in the air than to make evacuation from these beaches impossible, and to sink all these ships which were displayed, almost to the extent of thousands? Could there have been an objective of greater military importance and significance for the whole purpose of the war than this? They tried hard, and they were beaten back; they were frustrated in their task. We got the Army away; and they have paid fourfold for any losses which they have inflicted. Very large formations of German aeroplanes-and we know that they are a very brave race-have turned on several occasions from the attack of one-quarter of their number of the Royal Air Force, and have dispersed in different directions. Twelve aeroplanes have been hunted by two. One aeroplane was driven into the water and cast away by the mere charge of a British aeroplane, which had no more ammunition. All of our types-the Hurricane, the Spitfire and the new Defiant-and all our pilots have been vindicated as superior to what they have at present to face.

When we consider how much greater would be our advantage in defending the air above this Island against an overseas attack, I must say that I find in these facts a sure basis upon which practical and reassuring thoughts may rest. I will pay my tribute to these young airmen. The great French Army was very largely, for the time being, cast back and disturbed by the onrush of a few thousands of armored vehicles. May it not also be that the cause of civilization itself will be defended by the skill and devotion of a few thousand airmen? There never has been, I suppose, in all the world, in all the history of war, such an opportunity for youth. The Knights of the Round Table, the Crusaders, all fall back into the past-not only distant but prosaic; these young men, going forth every morn to guard their native land and all that we stand for, holding in their hands these instruments of colossal and shattering power, of whom it may be said that Every morn brought forth a noble chance And every chance brought forth a noble knight, deserve our gratitude, as do all the brave men who, in so many ways and on so many occasions, are ready, and continue ready to give life and all for their native land.

I return to the Army. In the long series of very fierce battles, now on this front, now on that, fighting on three fronts at once, battles fought by two or three divisions against an equal or somewhat larger number of the enemy, and fought fiercely on some of the old grounds that so many of us knew so well-in these battles our losses in men have exceeded 30,000 killed, wounded and missing. I take occasion to express the sympathy of the House to all who have suffered bereavement or who are still anxious. The President of the Board of Trade [Sir Andrew Duncan] is not here today. His son has been killed, and many in the House have felt the pangs of affliction in the sharpest form. But I will say this about the missing: We have had a large number of wounded come home safely to this country, but I would say about the missing that there may be very many reported missing who will come back home, some day, in one way or another. In the confusion of this fight it is inevitable that many have been left in positions where honor required no further resistance from them.

Against this loss of over 30,000 men, we can set a far heavier loss certainly inflicted upon the enemy. But our losses in material are enormous. We have perhaps lost one-third of the men we lost in the opening days of the battle of 21st March, 1918, but we have lost nearly as many guns -- nearly one thousand-and all our transport, all the armored vehicles that were with the Army in the north. This loss will impose a further delay on the expansion of our military strength. That expansion had not been proceeding as far as we had hoped. The best of all we had to give had gone to the British Expeditionary Force, and although they had not the numbers of tanks and some articles of equipment which were desirable, they were a very well and finely equipped Army. They had the first-fruits of all that our industry had to give, and that is gone. And now here is this further delay. How long it will be, how long it will last, depends upon the exertions which we make in this Island. An effort the like of which has never been seen in our records is now being made. Work is proceeding everywhere, night and day, Sundays and week days. Capital and Labor have cast aside their interests, rights, and customs and put them into the common stock. Already the flow of munitions has leaped forward. There is no reason why we should not in a few months overtake the sudden and serious loss that has come upon us, without retarding the development of our general program.

Nevertheless, our thankfulness at the escape of our Army and so many men, whose loved ones have passed through an agonizing week, must not blind us to the fact that what has happened in France and Belgium is a colossal military disaster. The French Army has been weakened, the Belgian Army has been lost, a large part of those fortified lines upon which so much faith had been reposed is gone, many valuable mining districts and factories have passed into the enemy's possession, the whole of the Channel ports are in his hands, with all the tragic consequences that follow from that, and we must expect another blow to be struck almost immediately at us or at France. We are told that Herr Hitler has a plan for invading the British Isles. This has often been thought of before. When Napoleon lay at Boulogne for a year with his flat-bottomed boats and his Grand Army, he was told by someone. "There are bitter weeds in England." There are certainly a great many more of them since the British Expeditionary Force returned.

The whole question of home defense against invasion is, of course, powerfully affected by the fact that we have for the time being in this Island incomparably more powerful military forces than we have ever had at any moment in this war or the last. But this will not continue. We shall not be content with a defensive war. We have our duty to our Ally. We have to reconstitute and build up the British Expeditionary Force once again, under its gallant Commander-in-Chief, Lord Gort. All this is in train; but in the interval we must put our defenses in this Island into such a high state of organization that the fewest possible numbers will be required to give effective security and that the largest possible potential of offensive effort may be realized. On this we are now engaged. It will be very convenient, if it be the desire of the House, to enter upon this subject in a secret Session. Not that the government would necessarily be able to reveal in very great detail military secrets, but we like to have our discussions free, without the restraint imposed by the fact that they will be read the next day by the enemy; and the Government would benefit by views freely expressed in all parts of the House by Members with their knowledge of so many different parts of the country. I understand that some request is to be made upon this subject, which will be readily acceded to by His Majesty's Government.

We have found it necessary to take measures of increasing stringency, not only against enemy aliens and suspicious characters of other nationalities, but also against British subjects who may become a danger or a nuisance should the war be transported to the United Kingdom. I know there are a great many people affected by the orders which we have made who are the passionate enemies of Nazi Germany. I am very sorry for them, but we cannot, at the present time and under the present stress, draw all the distinctions which we should like to do. If parachute landings were attempted and fierce fighting attendant upon them followed, these unfortunate people would be far better out of the way, for their own sakes as well as for ours. There is, however, another class, for which I feel not the slightest sympathy. Parliament has given us the powers to put down Fifth Column activities with a strong hand, and we shall use those powers subject to the supervision and correction of the House, without the slightest hesitation until we are satisfied, and more than satisfied, that this malignancy in our midst has been effectively stamped out.

Turning once again, and this time more generally, to the question of invasion, I would observe that there has never been a period in all these long centuries of which we boast when an absolute guarantee against invasion, still less against serious raids, could have been given to our people. In the days of Napoleon the same wind which would have carried his transports across the Channel might have driven away the blockading fleet. There was always the chance, and it is that chance which has excited and befooled the imaginations of many Continental tyrants. Many are the tales that are told. We are assured that novel methods will be adopted, and when we see the originality of malice, the ingenuity of aggression, which our enemy displays, we may certainly prepare ourselves for every kind of novel stratagem and every kind of brutal and treacherous maneuver. I think that no idea is so outlandish that it should not be considered and viewed with a searching, but at the same time, I hope, with a steady eye. We must never forget the solid assurances of sea power and those which belong to air power if it can be locally exercised.

I have, myself, full confidence that if all do their duty, if nothing is neglected, and if the best arrangements are made, as they are being made, we shall prove ourselves once again able to defend our Island home, to ride out the storm of war, and to outlive the menace of tyranny, if necessary for years, if necessary alone. At any rate, that is what we are going to try to do. That is the resolve of His Majesty's Government-every man of them. That is the will of Parliament and the nation. The British Empire and the French Republic, linked together in their cause and in their need, will defend to the death their native soil, aiding each other like good comrades to the utmost of their strength. Even though large tracts of Europe and many old and famous States have fallen or may fall into the grip of the Gestapo and all the odious apparatus of Nazi rule, we shall not flag or fail. We shall go on to the end, we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our Island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe, this Island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our Empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British Fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God's good time, the New World, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the old.

中文版：
BEF的位置现在已经成为关键，因为一个最巧妙地进行撤退和德国错误的结果，大量的英军达到敦刻尔克桥头堡。英国国家面临的危险，现在突然和普遍认知。 5月26日，“操作迪纳摩” - 从敦刻尔克撤离开始了。海洋保持绝对冷静。英国皇家空军 - 恨恨地诬蔑的时候，由陆军 - 战斗激烈地否认敌人总制空权，这将破坏操作。首先，它希望有45,000名男子可能被疏散了此次盛会，超过338,000盟军到达英国后，包括26,000名法国士兵。 6月4日，丘吉尔在下议院，寻求检查国家欣快的情绪和救灾在意想不到的拯救，并做出了明确呼吁美国。
法国防御轿车和默兹在5月的第二周结束时被打破的那一刻起，只有迅速撤退到亚眠和南部可能已经保存了英国和法国军队已进入比利时上诉比利时国王，但这一战略其实并没有立刻意识到。法国最高统帅部希望他们将能够缩小差距，和北方的军队是根据他们的订单。此外，这种退休将几乎肯定会涉及罚款超过20个师，放弃整个比利时比利时军队的破坏。因此，当德国的渗透力和范围的实现，当一个新的法国大元帅，魏刚将军，假设命令在代替一般加米林，是由法国和英国军队在比利时努力保持控股权的手比利时人，并给自己的右手到一个新创建的法国军队是伟大的力量来把握它横跨索姆垫付。
然而，德国爆发席卷像一把锋利的镰刀周围的右侧和后部的北方军队。八个或九个装甲师每个约四百不同种类的装甲车辆，但仔细什锦是相辅相成，分割成小自足单位，切断我们和主要的法国军队之间的所有通信。断我们自己的通信食物和弹药，跑第一亚眠和事后通过阿布维尔，岸上的方式布洛涅和加莱的海岸，几乎敦刻尔克。这个装甲和机械化的猛攻的背后传来了德国分裂的货车，在他们身后又出现彻夜不眠比较缓慢沉闷的蛮力质量普通的德国陆军和德国人，总是那么导致践踏其他土地他们从来不知道自己的自由和舒适。
我已经说过这个装甲镰刀行程几乎达到敦刻尔克差不多，但不太。布洛涅和加莱绝望的战斗场面。卫兵保卫布洛涅了一会儿，然后由这个国家的订单撤回。步枪旅团，第60步枪，以及维多利亚女王的步枪，一个营的英军坦克和1000名法国人，在约4000强，捍卫加莱到最后。英国准将被赋予一个小时投降。他拒绝了这一报价，和4天前通过沉默统治了激烈的巷战在加莱，这标志着一个难忘的阻力。只有30个未受伤的幸存者被带到海军，我们不知道他们的同志的命运。 ，然而，他们的牺牲没有白费。至少有两个装甲师，否则会一直反抗英国远征军，不得不被送到克服它们。他们增加了另一页，光师的荣耀，并启用的时间获得了被水淹的Graveline水生产线和由法国军队举行。
因此有人说，敦刻尔克保持开放的端口。当它被发现北方的军队不可能重开通信亚眠，法国军队的主要，只有一个选择依然存在。事实上，它似乎凄凉。比利时，英国和法国的军队几乎被包围。他们唯一的撤退路线是到一个单一的端口和其邻近的海滩。他们被压在每边重型攻击，远远超过在空气中。
一个星期前的今天，当我问房子来解决这个下午，当一份声明之际，我担心在我们悠久的历史，这将是我的硬盘很多公布的最大的军事灾难。我想一些好法官同意我也许是20,000或30,000人，可能会被重新进发。但可以肯定的似乎将被打破，整个法国第一军和整个英国远征军北部亚眠阿布维尔差距在开放的领域，否则将不得不投降缺乏食物和弹药。这是又硬又重的音信，我呼吁众议院和民族的一个星期前作好准备。整根和英国陆军的核心和大脑，和我们周围构建和建立，在以后多年的战争，伟大的英国军队似乎即将灭亡后，该领域或将导致进入一个可耻和饥饿的囚禁。
这是一个星期前的前景。但可能最终证明是另一个打击尚未临到我们。比利时人的国王已经要求我们来帮助他。没有统治者和他的政府断绝了自己的盟友，谁救出自己的国家在战争后期灭绝，他们不寻求庇护被证明是一个致命的中立，法国和英国军队可能会在一开始就不仅救了比利时，但甚至波兰。然而，在最后一刻，已经被入侵比利时时，国王利奥波德呼吁我们来帮助他，甚至在最后时刻，我们来到。他和他的勇敢，高效的军队，有将近一半一百万强，守卫我们的左翼，因而保持开放我们撤退到大海的唯一行。突然，没有事先协商，尽可能少的通知，如果没有他的部长们的意见，并在他自己的个人行为，他派出全权代表到德军司令部，他的军队投降，并暴露了我们的整个侧翼和手段撤退。
一个星期前，我问房子暂停其判断，因为事实并不清楚，但我不觉得现在任何理由存在，我们为什么不应该形成我们自己的意见后，这个可怜的小插曲。比利时军队投降迫使英国在最短的通知，以抵销海长度超过30英里的一个侧面。否则都将被切断，所有共享的命运，国王利奥波德谴责了最优秀的军队，他的国家曾经形成。因此，在这个过程中，并在侧翼暴露，因为任何人都遵循的操作在地图上看到，接触失去了中英之间的两三个军团形成第一的法国军队，谁比我们离海岸更远，这似乎是不可能的，任何大数量的盟军部队到达海岸。
在各方面具有强大的实力和猛烈，他们的主要力量，他们的多得多空军的力量攻击敌人的战斗，被扔进，否则集中于敦刻尔克的海滩。按下后，狭窄的出口，无论是从东部和西部，单独运费可能接近或离开海滩时，敌人开始用大炮开火。 ，他们播下磁性水雷的渠道和海洋;他们派出一波又一波的敌机，有时一百多强的一个编队，单墩仍然投下炸弹后，后沙丘部队眼睛住房。他们的U型船，其中之一被击沉，其机动发射了广大交通现在开始收费。对于四五天激烈的斗争统治。他们所有的装甲师是什么步兵和炮兵的伟大的群众，他们一起离开投掷自己是徒劳的不断缩小，越来越承包附录内，英国和法国军队战斗时。
与此同时，皇家海军，愿意帮助无数的商船船员，每天神经紧张，走上英国和盟军部队;，从事220轻型军舰和650名其他船只。他们有困难的海岸后，经常在恶劣的天气下，炸弹和炮火的浓度的增加几乎是无休止的冰雹。也不是海洋，正如我刚才所说，自己不受水雷和鱼雷。正是在这种条件下我们的人进行的，很少或根本没有休息，连续几天几夜在结束旅行行程跨越危险水域后，总是带着他们的人，他们已经救出。他们带回的数字是衡量他们的献身精神和他们的勇气。医院船，带来了成千上万的英国人和法国人受伤，如此清晰地标明纳粹炸弹是一个特殊的目标，但从来没有动摇板他们的男人和女人在他们的职责。
与此同时，英国皇家空军，这已经介入在战斗中，只要其范围将允许，从家里基地，现在其主要的大都市战斗机实力的一部分，在德国轰炸机和战斗机击中大量保护他们。这场斗争是漫长而激烈的。突然，现场已清除，崩溃和雷声的时刻，但只有时刻消失。拯救的奇迹，实现的勇气，坚韧不拔的毅力，完美纪律，完美的服务，资源，技能，不可战胜的保真度，是对我们所有的清单。英国和法国部队撤退的敌人回击。他是如此粗暴的对待，他并没有急着认真对待他们的出发。英国皇家空军聘请了德国空军的主要力量，造成的损失至少有四个和海军，使用近1000个，开展各种船舶的超过335,000人，法国和英国，出了颌骨的死亡和耻辱，故土位于紧接而来的任务。我们必须非常小心，不分配给这拯救了胜利的属性。战争没有赢得撤离。但是，这里面解脱，应该指出的是一次胜利。它由空军获得。没有看到很多我们的士兵回来空军在工作，他们只看到了逃出保护攻击的轰炸机。他们低估其成就。我听说大谈这一点，这就是为什么我说我出去。我会告诉你的。
这是一个伟大的英国和德国空军的较量。你能设想一个更大的目标，德国比在空气中无法撤离这些泳滩，显示成千上万的程度，几乎所有这些舰艇下沉？可能已经有一个更大的军事重要性和意义的整个目的的战争比这个目标呢？他们努力，他们被击退，他们的任务，他们感到沮丧。我们得到了陆军，他们已经支付了四倍造成的任何损失。非常大的德国飞机编队，我们知道，他们是一个非常勇敢的比赛，在多个场合纷纷转向，从一季度的数皇家空军的攻击，并分散在不同的方向。由二十二架飞机被猎杀。一架飞机入水驱动抛弃仅仅负责一个英国的飞机，有没有更多的弹药。所有类型的飓风，喷火和新的反抗和我们所有的飞行员已优于目前面对他们有什么平反。
当我们考虑如何更大的会是我们的优势，在防守上面的空气本岛对海外攻击，我必须说，我觉得在这些事实的一个肯定的基础，实用，让人放心的想法可能休息。我会付出我的这些年轻的飞行员致敬。伟大的法国军队是很大，当时，投几千装甲车突进和不安。它不是也可能是几千飞行员的技能和奉献精神，将捍卫文明本身的原因吗？从未有，我想，在所有的世界，所有的战争，历史这样一个机会，让青年。骑士的圆桌会议，十字军，都回落到过去不仅遥远，但平淡无奇;这些年轻人，来回每天早晨守卫故土和所有在他们手中这些工具，我们的立场，持有巨大的惊天动地的力量，人可以说，
每天早晨带来了一个高尚的机会
而每一个机会，带来了一个高贵的骑士，
值得我们感谢，因为这样做勇敢的人谁，在很多方面，在这么多的场合，都准备好了，并继续准备给生活和所有的故土。
我要回到军队。在漫长的系列非常激烈的战斗，现在在这方面，现在，三条战线上一次的战斗，战役由两个或三个部门对等于或稍大一些的敌人，狠狠的打了一些老的理由，所以我们很多人知道这么好，在这些战斗中，我们的损失在男性已超过30,000人死亡，受伤和失踪。我借此机会表达同情的房子谁遭受丧亲之痛，或者谁是还在焦灼。贸易[安德鲁·邓肯爵士]董事会主席今天不在这里。他的儿子已被杀害，许多在众议院中最清晰的形式感到困苦的痛苦。但我要说的关于失踪：我们有大量的伤员平平安安回家来这个国家，但我要说的失踪，有可能是很多报道缺少谁，谁就回家，有一天，在一个或另一种方式。在这场斗争中的混乱，这是不可避免的，很多已经离开的位置，荣誉从他们不需要进一步阻力。
针对这方面的损失超过30,000人，我们可以设置一个肯定时对敌人造成的损失较重。但是，我们的材料损失是巨大的。我们也许已经失去了三分之一的开天1918年3月21日的战斗中，我们失去的男人，但我们已经失去了几乎同样多的枪 - 近千和我们所有的交通，所有的装甲车陆军在北部。这一损失将施加进一步的延迟对我们的军事实力的扩张。这种扩张没有进展，就如我们所希望的。最好的，我们不得不放弃了英国的远征部队，虽然他们没有坦克和一些文章，这是可取的设备的数量，他们是一个非常好，精心配备陆军。他们有初熟的果子，我们的行业不得不放弃，那就是走了。现在这里是这进一步延迟。多久，它会持续多久，取决于我们在此岛的卖力。目前正在作出努力等已在我们的记录中从未见过。工作进展随处可见，晚上一天，星期日及工作日。资本和劳动力已经摒弃了他们的利益，权利和习俗，并把它们放到普通股。已经流弹药飞跃。没有理由我们为什么不应该在几个月内超越突然和严重损失，临到我们，无阻碍的发展，我们的一般程序。
然而，我们的感激之情在逃生我军和这么多的人，其亲人已通过一个痛苦的一周，切不可盲目的事实，在法国和比利时发生了什么事，是一个巨大的军事灾难。已经削弱了法国军队，比利时军队已经失去了，大赖以这么多的信仰已经被寄予那些强化线的一部分消失了，许多有价值的采矿区和工厂已通过进入敌人的占有，整个通道端口都在他的手中，遵循所有的悲惨后果，我们必须想到另一个打击我们几乎立即或在法国取得。我们被告知，赫尔希特勒入侵英伦三岛的计划。这经常被人想到过的。当拿破仑在布洛涅打下了一年，他与他的平底小船和他的紫金军团有人告诉。 “有苦杂草在英格兰。”当然，还有一个伟大的多，因为他们返回英国的远征部队。
主场防守抵抗侵略的整个问题，当然是事实，我们有比我们曾经有过在任何时刻，在这场战争中最后的时间在这个岛上的无比强大的军事势力，有力地影响。但是，这将无法继续。我们不得防守战的内容。我们有我们的职责，我们的盟友。我们必须重建，并建立英国远征军再次下，英勇的指挥官在行政，戈特勋爵。这是火车，但在区间中，我们必须把我们的防线在这个岛上到这么高的组织状态，尽可能少的数字将被要求提供有效的安全性和进攻的努力可以实现最大可能的潜力。这是我们现在从事。这将是非常方便的，如果它的房子的愿望，进入后，这个问题在一个秘密的会议。不是政府一定能够揭示非常非常详细的军事机密，但是我们喜欢我们的讨论，没有的事实，他们将被读第二天被敌人施加的约束，以及政府将受益自由发表意见表示用自己的知识，这么多不同地区的国家的议员在众议院的所有部分。据我了解，一些请求后作出这一主题，这将很容易地加入到由国王陛下政府。
我们发现有必要采取措施越来越苛刻，不仅对敌人的外国人和其他国籍的可疑人物，但也反对英国臣民的战争应该被运送到英国，可能会成为一个危险或滋扰。我知道有很多人受到的订单，我们充满激情的纳粹德国的敌人是谁。我很对不起他们，但在目前的时间，在目前的压力，我们不能得出所有的区别，我们应该喜欢做的事。如果降落伞着陆尝试和激烈的战斗后，他们的服务员，这些不幸的人会是更好的出路，为他们自身的缘故，以及为我们的。然而，另一个类，我觉得没有丝毫的同情。议会已经给了我们一个强有力的手放下第五纵队活动的权力，我们将使用这些权力的监督和纠正的房子，没有丝毫的犹豫，直到我们满意，更满意，认为这恶性肿瘤在我们中间得到了有效的盖章。
一次转向，而这一次更普遍的是，入侵的问题，我也观察到，从未有过一个时期，所有这些我们拥有绝对保证不入侵，更对严重袭击，可能有几百年被赋予给我们的人民。在拿破仑的日子可能会进行相同的风他横渡英吉利海峡的运输封锁舰队赶走。总是有机会的话，兴奋和许多大陆霸的想象力所欺骗，那就是机会。许多的故事告诉。我们确信，将采用新方法，当我们看到恶意的原创性，独创性的侵略，这显示我们的敌人，我们可以肯定作好准备，为每一种新型战略而每一种残酷和奸诈的机动。我认为，不知道是这么古怪的，它不应该被视为与搜索和查看，但同时，我希望，一个稳定的眼睛。我们要永远铭记海上力量和那些属于空中力量，如果它可以在本地行使的坚实保证。
我有，我自己，充分的信心，如果都尽自己的责任，如果没有被忽略，如果作出最好的安排，因为他们正在做的，我们将证明自己能够再次捍卫我们的岛国回家，骑战争风暴，活得比暴政的威胁，如果多年必要，如果有必要单独。无论如何，这是我们正在尝试做的。这是陛下的政府他们每个人的决心。这是国会和国民的意愿。大英帝国和法兰西共和国联系在一起，在他们的事业和自己的需要，将誓死捍卫自己的乡土，帮助对方喜欢自己的实力，以最大的好同志。即使欧洲和许多老字号的国大片倒下或可能落入盖世太保和可憎的设备纳粹统治的抓地力，我们不得标记或失败。我们将继续坚持到最后，我们要战斗在法国，我们要战斗在海洋，我们要战斗在空中与不断增长的信心和实力不断壮大，我们也要捍卫我们的岛，无论成本可能，我们将战斗在海滩，我们要战斗在登陆的理由，我们要战斗在田野，在街头，我们将在山区作战;我们决不投降，即使我没有片刻相信，这岛或它的一大部分被征服并挨饿，那么我们之外的公海，英国舰队武装把守，帝国将进行的斗争，直到，在神的好时间，新的世界，以其实力和可能步骤救援和老解放出来。